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Africa Action Report from South Africa

September 16, 2009





“South Africa is a country of stark contrasts--the crushing poverty of its townships against the wondrous beauty of its landscape--where races and cultures struggle to emerge as a truly non-racial society…”


Introduction

Hosted by the University of the Western Cape, Africa Action traveled to South Africa in 2009 to assess key issues facing the people of South Africa after the most recent 2009 elections.

Africa Action was invited to meet with over 20 civil society organizations, including the AIDS Legal Network, People’s Health Movement, Social Justice Coalition, Surplus People Project, Treatment Action Campaign, Unity for Tertiary Refugee Students and many others.

South Africa today is a key African nation at a critical point in its evolution. The country's growing regional influence, its progress toward overcoming racial discrimination and its widening economic inequalities are representative of sub-Saharan Africa's wider struggle to channel its great potential towards meeting its peoples' needs.

More than a decade has passed since the its first democratic elections in 1994. South Africa has made important progress in overcoming the legacy of the apartheid era, having held three successful national elections since the end of white rule. The most recent general elections in 2009 resulted in a victory for the African National Congress (ANC), and the party leader, Jacob Zuma, was officially inaugurated as the country's president in May 2009 While a controversial figure (he was charged with rape in 2005, acquitted in 2006 and has faced allegations of corruption which were recently thrown out by state prosecutors, on the grounds of political interference), President Zuma is faced with addressing the country's significant economic and social challenges, not last of which is the HIV/AIDS crisis, which now claims the lives of an estimated 1,000 South Africans each day.

Civil Society Module: Food Security, HIV/AIDS & Land Reform
Inspired by the vision that South African civil society displays in their efforts for equity, equality and justice for all the people of South Africa, this report highlights civil society efforts that:

I. Address land reform and the people forcibly removed from their homes and community during apartheid—and today—to regain their dignity, security, productive capacity, and full share of the bounty of South Africa.

II. Promote food security in Africa, including (1) agricultural production that prioritizes feeding people locally, and (2) the right of African peoples to information from governments and transnational corporations regarding potential benefits and harms of agricultural technologies, and full participation in decisions regarding their use.

III. Improve South African health infrastructure and urge the U.S. Government to fulfil its financial commitment to the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria.


HIV/AIDS
The HIV/AIDS crisis is a major challenge confronting South Africa today. An estimated 5.7 million people are living with the disease - the largest number in the world – making South Africa the epicenter of the pandemic on the African continent. The overall HIV prevalence rate stands at 18.1% as of 2007, with young women in informal settlements experiencing the highest risk of becoming HIV positive. A recent HIV/AIDS surveillance report from South Africa’s Department of Health has revealed a slight decline in prevalence among pregnant women, which may indicate a broader decline in new infections, although the impact of the disease varies greatly across provinces.

The South African government has been criticized over the years by activist organizations for its hesitance to fully acknowledge the HIV/AIDS crisis, and its reluctance to provide antiretroviral treatments to HIV positive citizens. However, in June 2009, President Zuma announced new targets for AIDS treatment, including allocating more funds to screening pregnant women for HIV, putting 80% of HIV-positive people in the country on antiretroviral treatment by 2011, and reducing the rate of new HIV infections by 50% by the same year.

Despite the extensive reach of the disease, a number of civil society organizations on the ground, such as the People’s Health Movement and the Treatment Action Campaign (TAC), are working around the clock to advocate for improvements to South Africa’s health care system. A particular focus includes increasing HIV/AIDS treatment access, and improving public treatment and prevention literacy. With over 16,000 members and 267 branches, TAC is the leading civil society force working for comprehensive health care for people living with HIV/AIDS in the country through litigation, lobbying, advocacy, and social mobilization. The group works closely with communities to provide care support, as well as resources on tuberculosis, nutrition, rape prevention, antiretrovirals and more.

In July, President Obama’s speech before the Ghanaian Parliament announced U.S. dedication to carrying on the fight against HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria, and other diseases with a commitment of $63 billion to meet global health needs. The promising tone of this speech is significantly dampened by the much more dire reality. The U.S. already allocated money for major diseases to be paid over 5 years before the global economic crisis, and the new Global Health Initiative will allocate $51 billion for AIDS, Malaria, and TB in particular, but over six years. This essentially means that the program has been extended one year but without a substantial increase in funding. Ultimately, the program will either be under funded in its final year or the amount currently spent each year on the program must be reduced.

Either way, these funding reductions will have important consequences for South Africa. The Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria - the main source of finance for global health initiatives around the world- has supported over 600,000 and other children affected by AIDS in South Africa– However, it is now faced with a serious funding gap of $5 billion, as pledges by donors have not been up to par. The U.S. is, by far the largest donor country, supplying around 33% of its funds. This is a looming financial problem that will no doubt affect those fighting against and suffering with HIV/AIDS in South Africa and around the world if not resolved.

Land Reform
Housing issues in South Africa have a long and bitter history dating back to the colonial era, when many Xhosa were first forced to Cape Town and segregation policies became popular into the 20th century. Under apartheid in the 1950s, urban “influx control” and racial segregation became even more deeply entrenched as government officials sought ways to manage the population of “Natives” by reducing the number of Africans in the Western Cape. Local authorities implemented a number of official government policies, perhaps most notably the Group Areas Act of 1950, which restricted non-Whites from living in the most developed urban areas. Having been effectively banned living among whites, their homes were demolished without the use of court orders and Africans were forcibly removed and relocated to emergency camps or compulsory residences in townships or “locations.”

Following the rise of the ANC-led government the Group Areas Act was repealed; however, South Africa was left with a severe housing crisis. Very little housing had been built for Africans under the apartheid regime and estimates announced that there was only 1 formal brick house for every 43 Africans compared to 1 for every 3.5 Whites. In 1994, it was estimated that some 1.3 million homes were needed in urban areas alone.

Today, the shadows of the apartheid regime remain and the question of how to respond to the housing crisis is a critical one for the current government, headed by President Jacob Zuma. Privatized utilities add to the complexity of economic inequality and land redistribution remains a controversial issue. Land redistribution remains a controversial issue while privatized utilities add to the complexity of economic inequality. The majority of farmland in South Africa is still White-owned; though, the government aims to transfer 30% of farmland back to black South Africans by 2014. Furthermore, according to a recent UN report, South African cities rank as the most unequal in the world: 58% of all South Africans live in urban areas, one third of whom reside in slums with informal housing. Some 200,000 houses need to be built in order to meet the demands of the growing population; in addition, many of the informal settlements struggle to meet basic needs such as clean water, electricity, health care, education etc. In Cape Town, over 400,000 people are currently on the waiting list for public housing. The gentrification of South Africa’s inner cities in recent years has resulted in hundreds of thousands of people being evicted from buildings and shacks in and around the city centers and relocated.

In July 2009, mounting violent protests and strikes by township residents have punctuated the continuing problems of unemployment and poverty. In response, the government has reaffirmed its commitment to delivering services to communities in need, despite budget constraints as a result of the global economic crisis. President Zuma echoed these sentiments in a surprise visit, in early August, to an informal housing settlement in the Mpumalanga Province, where he also condemned the violence.

Interviews with township residents reveal feelings of disillusionment with the ANC and SANCO, as well as the perception that their demands are being ignored. Nevertheless, burgeoning civil society organizations are seeking to meet the needs of township residents and impoverished communities in their desire to have their voices heard. The Western Cape Anti-Eviction Campaign (AEC) is, perhaps, one of the best known, founded in November 2000 in order to respond to the increase in homelessness and cuts in essential services in poor communities throughout Cape Town. Currently, it is comprised of over 15 community organizations and movements including the Concerned QQ Section Residents – Khayelitsha, as well as affiliated movements such as The Poor People’s Alliance and War on Want.

Organizations like the AEC focus on informing and mobilizing affected community members through continuing campaigns to petition for decent public housing and basic services. From holding public meetings and implementing grassroots education strategies to organizing mass rallies and providing free legal advice and representation to individuals at risk of eviction, the AEC relies on political activism and media outreach to achieve its goals. The movement’s major constituents are African and Colored women. Finally, civil society organizations are often also committed to assisting with efforts to combat economic and social inequalities throughout South Africa.

The housing struggle is just one facet of the ongoing fight for social and economic justice in South Africa. At the same time, there is no doubt that great strides are being made. The country is barely 20 years past the apartheid regime. Likewise, the most recent generation of South Africans, who would have been born after apartheid crumbled in 1994, are young teenagers yet. The government is, at the very least, willing to take action on the demands of its people and has built some 2.8 million homes in the last 15 years. This is a huge improvement over the housing situation in 1994. If a comparison must be made, it should also be noted that it has taken the United States – so often commended for its democracy and struggles for equality– over 40 years to achieve desperately needed improvements in race and class relations. Even now, many legitimate problems remain. With an increasingly vibrant civil society seeking a genuine political voice, South Africa has great potential to overcome its past and address the issues that, undoubtedly, it cannot afford to disregard.

Food Security
The Green Revolution of the 1950s and 1960s revolutionized the way that Asian and Latin American countries produced their food; high-yielding crops and the increased use of pesticides and fertilizers forever transformed these countries. This Revolution failed to make any positive impact on the African continent; the high-yielding crops were not successful in African environments. At the time, food was relatively inexpensive, the African population had not yet exploded and development aid was focused on urban industries. The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund stressed a fiscal discipline that resulted in a withdrawal of support for the agricultural sector on the continent. By the 1980s, African food production was mainly for export, which effectively marginalized the small-scale farmers on the continent, the majority of the producers.

After several decades of stagnation, attention has been refocused on the agricultural potential of the continent as food prices have risen along with African poverty levels. Climate change is in the destructive process of drastically altering how food in produced in African countries, adding another layer of complexity to food production on the continent. What is largely accepted is that African food should be used to feed Africans, and that measures must be taken to ensure that food production can meet the need.

The South African government is currently focused on encouraging commercial farming and “ecological modernization.” The goals are to broaden the base of commercial producers, reduce food prices and generate investment and employment opportunities. In reality, there is a shrinking base of commercial producers with only few black farmers, food prices are exposed to the volatility of the world market and there is a drop in employment in agriculture. Genetically modified crops and agro-fuels, parts of the ecological modernizations, have not sufficiently shored up the agriculture sector. The agricultural budget remains at less than 0.5% of the South African national budget.

The Gates Foundation and Rockefeller Foundation are hefty contributors to the Alliance for Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA), which works to address some agricultural shortfalls on the African continent. The grants go to improving soil management practices, producing drought- and pest-resistant seeds and to fund low-cost drip irrigation systems, among other projects. The goal of these projects is to reduce the risk for farmers and to increase their incomes, as well as to establish a stable and accessible market for farmers. This would enable them to invest based on expectations of reliable demand and predictable prices.

Criticisms of AGRA and the Gates Foundation abound. There are concerns about outsiders making decisions about the agricultural sector on the continent without any democratic accountability. Some worry that there may be an excessive focus on technology and market-driven solutions that could, in the end, serve to reinforce the status quo instead of transforming it. The Gates Foundation has hired senior officials from major agricultural multinational corporations who may have a vested interest in developing and implementing agricultural reforms that involve their companies’ seeds or technologies.

However beneficial, controversial or detrimental these measures could still prove to be, there are nevertheless significant hurdles to achieving an African Green Revolution, whether encouraged by the Alliance for Green Revolution in Africa or a national government. These include poor infrastructure, high transport costs, limited investments in irrigation and pricing and marketing policies that punish farmers.

The Green Revolution of the 20th century failed to impact Africa; the Green Revolution of the 21st century may be equally at risk of bypassing the interests and needs of Africa and African farmers. The concerns about what is being implemented by national governments and private donors for the cause are real; in many cases, their projects may not accurately reflect the needs of African producers and consumers, and therefore cannot possibly revolutionize the production of food on the continent.

 

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