This past week Africa Action participated in the United States Social Forum (USSF) in Detroit.  It was an exciting opportunity for Africa Action to come together in solidarity, sharing experiences and struggles across social justice movements.

One of Africa Action’s key events at the USSF was the Detroit to Dakar (D2D) People’s Movement Assembly.  This Assembly represented an opportunity to bring together activists both within the U.S. and African countries to connect their struggles, build solidarity and come up with recommendation to the continent’s development and fight for human rights.  Briggs Bomba, Africa Action’s Director of Campaigns, along with Emira Woods, Africa Action’s Board Chair, led a vibrant discussion, strategizing action plans.  Participants recommended certain themes to be included in the action plan including; neocolonialism, AFRICOM, internal displacement and the political economy of relationships with Africa countries.  The Assembly resulted in a resolution with recommendations that was presented to the USSF and built momentum for the World Social Forum to be hosted in Dakar, Senegal, February 7-11, 2011. (see D2D USSF Thematic Papers for more information).

Meryl Zendarski, Africa Action’s expert consultant on the DRC (Democratic Republic of Congo), held a workshop titled “International Financial Institutions and Climate Change: The Inga Dam and Community Impacts in Congo.”  The Grand Inga Dam is a World Bank project along the Congo River (Nzadi River) that could produce upwards of 44,000 MW of electricity. This workshop highlighted possible social impacts and environmental concerns surrounding the Grand Inga Dam, as well as the complex implications that the Grand Inga Dam could have for both the local communities in Congo and our global ecosystem. 

We learned that there is no plan to provide Congolese household with electricity and many people will lose their farmland and their livelihoods in order to build this dam.  There is not much confidence that Congolese people will be compensated for their displacement since people were never paid for Inga I and Inga II, and over 9,000 people still live at “Camp Kinshasa” without electricity and running water near these project sites.  Additionally, the Grand Ingo Dam will flood the Bundi Valley.

The building of the Grand Inga Dam will have both local and global environmental implications, including:
  • Clear cutting swaths of rainforest will be necessary to create paths for transmission lines.  This rainforest is the second largest rainforest in the world, and is crucial for balancing our world’s ecosystem-
  • Loss of fish populations and destruction of river ecosystems are common outcomes of river damming and turbines.  Currently the Congo River has the second richest diversity of fish on earth-
  • The Congo River serves as a vital conduit of terrestrial minerals and carbon to the ocean floor in the Atlantic Ocean-
  • Finally, if there was local access to electricity from the dam this could decrease deforestation in DRC, because people would be less likely to cut wood for fuel and building-
Briggs Bomba, Director of Campaigns, was part of the panel, “Power-sharing Deals in Africa: Implications for Democracy – The Case of Zimbabwe & Kenya.”  The panel consisted of Briggs Bomba (Zimbabwe), Esther Mwarua (Kenya), Hopewell Gumbo with the Debt Cancellation Coalition of Zimbabwe (Zimbabwe), and Dr. Stanford Mukasa, Assistant Professor at the University of Indiana in Pennsylvania (Zimbabwe).  All four speakers agreed that power-sharing deals in Kenya and Zimbabwe are a positive step in the short-term, since they appear to decrease violence and helped put economies back on their feet.  Nevertheless, the group disagreed on other factors.  This workshop was a vibrant exchange of ideas and opinions, and was moderated by Emira Woods.  Below are some comments made by the panelists in the discussion;
  • Hopewell Gumbo remarked that the power-sharing agreement in Zimbabwe meant two things, “1)violence was going to stop and 2) economic relief.”  
  • Esther Mwarua also agreed on these points but questioned whether in the long-term sharing power can be sustained. 
  • Dr. Stanford Mukasa believes that power-sharing in Zimbabwe is a mixed blessing, as in his opinion the latest developments in the country reveals not only struggles between the parties but also a class struggle, in which there is less rhetoric on human rights and more about bringing in more resource to the country.
  •  Briggs Bomba introduced the international dimension of power-sharing, remarking that the U.S. and British governments helped broker the power-sharing deal in Kenya.
You can find more information regarding power-sharing agreements in Zimbabwe and Kenya in an article written by Briggs Bomba titled, Ballots versus Bullets in Kenya and Zimbabwe, http://www.fpif.org/articles/ballots_vs_bullets_in_kenya_and_zimbabwe

Written by Meg Armstrong and Marieka Walsh
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In the past few years there has been little alleviation of the conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo.  Massacres and violence continue with little sign of abating in the eastern provinces of North and South Kivu.  The Congolese are fleeing their homes in search of refuge in neighboring countries and provinces, while women and girls remain the victims of strategic rape and sexual violence.  Even children continue to be abducted into the rebel forces of the FDLR, Mai Mai, and LRA.  And what is the UN’s response?  A withdrawal of 2,000 UN peacekeeping troops from the Congo.  

In May of this year, the UN passed Security Council Resolution 1925, which calls for the end of MONUC’s mandate on the 50th anniversary of Congo’s independence (June 30th 2010).  Although MONUC is ending in name, on July 1st the mission will become MONUSCO (United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo).  Paired with this renaming is a new mandate requiring partnership with Joseph Kabila’s government and the continued protection of civilians.  One of the first steps to be undertaken in this stabilization mission is to decrease the 21,500 force by 2,000, allowing for a maximum of 19,815 military personnel.  

UN officials have met with Kabila a number of times in the past months.  Each time, the President has made his stance on MONUC extremely clear: he does not want them there.  In response to supposed state improvements and Kabila’s demands, Alain Le Roy, the UN Under-Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations, ultimately conceded to MONUC’s drawdown of troops.  This reduction in mission size is defended with the rationale that withdrawal will only occur in the West.  In this way, the UN is not turning a blind eye to the severe human rights abuses taking place in eastern Congo.  However, while the situation in the western state of Equateur is improving, peace in the West is not entirely guaranteed.  UN officials may have buckled to Kabila’s interests, but their conviction in the western region’s security is not entirely convincing: “…those troops will come from the western part of the country where peace and stability is almost there but not always but globally there,” stated Le Roy.

The reason for Kabila’s commitment to removing the UN peacekeeping force is not entirely clear.  Certainly there are institutional and economic motivations, but most telling may be the upcoming elections in October of 2011.  In the 2006 elections, where Kabila and Jean-Pierre Bemba were the main contenders, Kabila experienced a strong victory in the East of the country.  Similarly, Bemba garnered his support from the West.  Kabila’s coalition also won the majority in 5 eastern provinces (at the time of the elections there were 11 total provinces).  During these elections the UN was actively involved, particularly through providing technical assistance to the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC).  However, the current removal of oversight from an entire region where Kabila has a history of feeble political support is hardly reassuring.  Is the President’s pressure on the UN a manifestation of his preparation for the 2011 elections?  If so, there is considerable likelihood that the West will experience electoral corruption.

In 2010 the Congo greets the newly mandated MONUSCO.  Will Congolese also greet a new President in 2011?

By Stacey Diaz
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Introduction
Réputée d’une part d’un des pays les plus riches dans le monde en ressources naturelles, et qualifiée d’autre part de « scandale géologique », la République Démocratique du Congo (RDC) est pourtant classée au 176ieme rang dans le rapport sur le développement humain. Selon la Banque Mondiale,  c’est « un pays sans routes, sans hôpitaux, aéroports et sans écoles dignes de ce nom. »

Tous les Gouvernements qui se sont succédés depuis 1961 en RDC sont caractérisés par la mauvaise gouvernance politique, économique et sociale, et n’ont pas offert des opportunités au pays  pour se développer.

Après les élections de 2006 qui ont conduit à la mise en place des institutions politiques actuelles, le Président de la RDC Joseph Kabila a lancé un vaste programme du développement et de la modernisation du pays dénommé « Cinq Chantiers de la République».

Estimés à 14 milliards de dollars américains, les cinq chantiers de la République sont le sommet d’un programme quinquennal de développement qui couvre cinq axes, notamment :
  • Les infrastructures;
  • La création de l’emploi;
  • L’éducation;
  • L’eau et l’électricité;
  • La santé.
En ce qui concerne les infrastructures, le programme « Cinq Chantiers de la République » inclut notamment la modernisation des aéroports, la construction d’une autoroute entre l’aéroport et le centre ville de Kinshasa, la réhabilitation de la voirie urbaine des principales villes du pays, la construction d’une ligne de chemin de fer moderne devant relier le Katanga au Bas-Congo, et la construction d’hôtels et d’universités.

C’est dans ce cadre que le Gouvernement Congolais a signé un accord avec quelques entreprises Chinoises pour la construction des infrastructures et la réhabilitation de la voirie urbaine dans  certaines villes de la République Démocratique du Congo, telles qu’à Lubumbashi dans la province du Katanga et dans la ville province de Kinshasa.

A Kinshasa, les entreprises Chinoises ont déjà amorcé les travaux de réhabilitation de certaines artères telles que le Boulevard du 30 juin, le Boulevard Lumumba, l’avenue des huileries, etc…

La présence de ces entreprises permet non seulement à répondre aux impératifs liés à la réhabilitation et à la modernisation de la voirie urbaine de certaines villes, mais de participer à la création de l’emploi dans la mesure où elles emploient la main d’œuvre locale.

Entreprises Chinoises et droits des travailleurs
Radiookapi.net rapporte que plusieurs organisations de droit de l’homme en République Démocratique du Congo et  les entreprises Chinoises basées au Congo violent les droits des travailleurs.  «Les conditions dans lesquelles les travailleurs Congolais  travaillent dans ces entreprises minières sont très précaires et ne respectent pas les codes Congolais du travail et minier », mentionne le rapport publié au mois de Septembre 2009 par Right and Accountability in Development (RAID) une ONG britannique basée à Oxford. RAID a mené une enquête sur 15% des companies implantées au Katanga, la province cuprifère.

Les travailleurs Congolais accusent aussi les entreprises Chinoises de n’avoir aucune connaissance du droit international du travail, mais aussi des lois Congolaises, surtout celles en rapport avec le droit coutumier. Ces entreprises ne respectent pas les standards environnementaux. Elles n’ont aucune considération pour une rémunération descente, surtout en cas d’accident de travail, et ils entretiennent trop de discrimination, estime RAID. 

Ces mêmes travailleurs  ont aussi  formulé plusieurs plaintes contre plusieurs entreprises Chinoises. Celles que l’Association Africaine de défense des Droits de l’Homme (ASADHO) a reçues se résument en  préoccupations suivantes :
  • L’Absence de contrat de travail écrit;
  • Le non respect du nombre d’heures de travail;
  • Le salaire est payé au taux inférieur au taux officiel;
  • L’Absence de syndicat au sein de l’entreprise;
  • La pratique de licenciement abusif des travailleurs Congolais;
  • La faible prise en charge médicale.
Dans le but de vérifier le fondement de griefs portés contre ces entreprises, l’ASADHO a dépêché une équipe d’enquêteurs pour parler avec les travailleurs et les responsables de ces entreprises Chinoises.

ASADHO a dit « Malheureusement ils se sont entretenus qu’avec les travailleurs, car les responsables de ces entreprises  se sont abstenus de parler avec eux. »

Conclusions et Recommendations
Le programme des «Cinq Chantiers de la République», ne peut  contribuer à la promotion et la protection des droits sociaux et économiques que si les partenaires choisis par le Gouvernement dans sa mise en exécution respectent les droits des travailleurs . C’est de cette façon-là que le  peuple Congolais et  les autres puissent  jouir directement de certains droits économiques et sociaux qui leur sont reconnus par les Instruments Juridiques Internationaux relatifs aux droits de l’Homme et par la Constitution.

Etant donné que les Cinq Chantiers couvrent les infrastructures, l’éducation, le logement, l’emploi, l’eau et l’électricité, ils permettront la jouissance du droit au travail, à la santé, au logement décent, à un salaire juste et équitable. Ainsi qu’il apparaît, le programme des Cinq Chantiers demeure une grande opportunité de la réalisation des droits économiques et sociaux.

Pour que ce programme contribue effectivement à la réalisation de ces droits fondamentaux, il est important que les partenaires nationaux et internationaux auxquels le Gouvernement Congolais fait appel pour l’exécuter, respectent les lois du pays et qu’ils refusent d’exploiter et de piller le peuple Congolais. Mais, il revient aussi au Gouvernement congolais de s’assurer que ses partenaires respectent scrupuleusement les lois de la RDC dans l’exécution de leurs prestations.

Le gouvernement Congolais doit aussi vulgariser le  code congolais du travail. Cette sensibilisation assurerait le respect de la sécurité et de la santé au travail. Mais encore faudrait-il que le gouvernement mette à la disposition des investisseurs et futursinvestisseurs Chinois un guide plus compréhensif de ces codes ? Selon ASADHO, le Gouvernement congolais doit recommander à toutes ces compagnies de respecter l’environnement et de ne pas utiliser les enfants dans les carrières et proposer au gouvernement chinois de collaborer avec l’Unicef à cet effet.
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Reasons for the new operation Amani Leo:
For the past six months, the Congolese National Army (FARDC) has been criticized by diplomats, civil society and human rights groups concerning allegations of violence against civilians during the military operations Umoja Wetu and Kimia II. Yet, there is new joint military operation between FARDC and the United Nations Peacekeeping Force (MONUC) called Amani Leo. This new operation between MONUC and FARDC is to neutralize and capture the Rwandan Hutu militia (FDLR) operating in DRC who participated in the1994 Rwandan genocide. The FDLR is notorious for attacking villages and civilians in furtherance of their efforts to control territory, which allows them to illegally export valuable minerals out of the DRC and fund their operations.

Previous operations Umoja Wetu and Kimia II:
The Umoja Wetu started in January 2009 after the international community urged Rwandan President Paul Kagame to use his influence on National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP) leader Laurent Nkunda to stop CNDP’s 2007-2008 rebellion against the Congolese government. After few weeks of negotiations, President Kagame finally offered to help locate and capture the CNDP leader Laurent Nkunda. In exchange, DRC’s President Joseph Kabila allowed the Rwandan National Army (RDP) to enter the Congo in search of the rebel Hutu FDLR.  During this operation Nkunda was arrested, transferred to Rwanda, and then replaced by another leader Bosco Ntaganda who has a warrant of arrest from International Criminal Court (ICC) on conscripting child soldiers into his militia. Former CNDP combatants were then integrated into FARDC.

In March 2009 the second operation Kimia II started. It was a joint operation by MONUC and FARDC. The Rwandan Government supported the mission, claiming that Operation Umoja Wetu had been unsuccessful and that the FDLR continued to pose a serious security threat to Rwanda. The Rwandan Government requested that the MONUC joins forces with the FARDC to combat the FDRL. The goal of this operation was an attempt to dismantle the FDLR’s military capacity. According to FARDC, the operation was a success at the end. For the first time they were able to dislodge the FDLR from areas where they had been entrenched for years and the critical mining-dependent areas were no longer controlled by FDRL. According to UN statistic, “a significant number of FDLR combatants have been given up their weapons and returned to Rwanda since the start of military operations in January 2009”.  1,798 family members of FDRL and 12,387 Rwandan refugees were sent to Rwanda.

Criticisms of Umoja Leo and Kimia II
Although the Congolese Army took control of mining sites in these operations and disarmed some FDLR combatants, FARDC and MONUC were unable to adequately protect civilian populations.  These two operations have been accompanied by horrendous abuses by both government and rebel forces against a civilian population throughout the eastern Congo. For instance, there are times that the rebel groups may target civilians to punish them for their government’s decision to launch the operations. The FARDC soldiers themselves are also accused of targeting civilians who they feel are collaborating with the FDLR. According to Human Rights Watch, “between January and September 2009, over 1,400 civilians were deliberately killed by the FDLR, the Congolese army, and their allies”. 7,000 cases of rape against women and girls were reported which indicates rates nearly double those in 2008.  And over 900,000 people were forced to flee their homes in Eastern Congo”. Human Rights Watch also reported that, “a comparison of the impact of military operations on the FDRL and the harm to civilians starkly conveys the suffering endured by the population.  84 humanitarian and human rights groups in the Congo Advocacy Coalition reported that for every FDRL combatant that has been removed from combat through being repatriated, one civilian has been killed, seven women and girls have been raped, eight homes have been destroyed, and nearly 900 people have been forced to flee for their lives. This report illustrates the unjustified costs of pursuing a military solution to rebel groups operating in the eastern provinces.

Conclusion
Although, Alan Doss, the UN representative in Congo, announced that the new plan will more focus on the protection of civilians, conducting operations targeting the FDRL in the region, clear strategic areas of negative forces, hold territory liberated from FDRL control, and assist in restoring State authority in these zones; the UN and FARDC still have not specified how this operation will achieve these objectives, and particularly have not specified how they will guarantee protection for civilians.

Military solutions shouldn’t be used to neutralize FDLR. The violence against civilians that accompanies these military operations is unacceptable. Many Congolese have lost their lives in these operations. Women and girls have been raped and near a million of people have been forced to flee their homes.  It is time for the international community and MONUC to put pressure on Rwanda to stop supporting the military joint. The UN and the international community should encourage Kagame to negotiate with the FDRL in diplomatic and democratic ways rather than pursuing only military solutions. The end of FDLR presence in Congo will put end to all types of human rights abuses and curb illegal mineral trades.  The UN should help the Congo build its capacity to monitor and regulate mining to avoid any illegal trades of minerals. For instance, the UN could send a team of independent consultants to audit the mineral supply chain and hopefully, Rwanda and Congo will find ways to collaborate through diplomatic means rather relying on military forces.
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